May 21, 2022

Coming to Terms with Liberalism, Warts and All (Part 1)

This is FIRST in a series of stories that trace the trajectory of my encounter, fascination, doubts, frustration with, and renewed faith in liberalism-progressivism. This installment narrates how the liberal me was born out of my experience at UP Diliman.


                     The Making of a Liberal 

                             by Rommel A. Curaming


‘Martial law baby.’ That was what I was called long before I knew I was. I didn’t know what that meant until one day I heard a student leader at the University of the Philippines in Diliman (UP-Diliman) complaining about how apathetic UP students had become. That was sometime in 1987. In a tone I would understand only much later as sarcastic, he said the lack of parking lot had become UP’s major problem and that the current generations of UP students being “martial law babies” were blissfully oblivious to the many problems that beset the country. 

I remember a heavy air hanged over the campus. Students were being mobilized to protest the killing of someone called Lean Alejandro. The student leader seemed flustered by the disinterest among students, including me. A promdi who just entered UP, I had no idea who Lean Alejandro was, and why he seemed important. It intrigued why his death was deeply angered and mourned by groups of students while ignored by many others. I also wondered why the student leader said UP students were apathetic while most fellow students I encountered seemed brimming with life, passionate about something. Why parking was a problem also made me ponder “how come?” From hindsight, I was too naïve and consumed by efforts to make sense of my new life in a new environment to care about what was going on in Diliman.

In this post, I wish to look back and trace the trajectory of my encounter and engagement with liberalism. I wish to make it clear to me, and to others who may be interested, how I ended being an ardent liberal, then evolved into a questioning one, and how I emerged from the experience with a renewed faith in liberalism, provided it is reformed. I have started writing this since last year as a chapter in an anthology on the Marcos era, but I've realized in due course that the shape it was taking might not fit within the overall theme of that book. Writing dragged on as I find it challenging to articulate my own thoughts and feelings with the complex facets of liberalism. 

-o0o-

I was born in 1970 in a remote seaside town of Catanauan, in the district called Bondoc Peninsula in southern Quezon. The whole area of 13 towns was impoverished, with national roads began to be paved only when I already had my own kids. Simple life in this isolated community was disturbed only occasionally, such as when gossips of possible NPA attacks spread, which did not actually happen in our town, but it did in others. The chilling presence of the New People’s Army (NPA), their intermittent encounters with the government troops, the kangaroo and their revolutionary taxes figured prominently in my memories of those years. Another was the assassination of Ninoy Aquino in 1983 and the news of frequent anti-Marcos rallies in Manila since then. Private conversations were infused with the movie-like dramas, intrigues, and gossips about the Marcoses, Aquinos, Laurels and others. I have recollections of the snap elections in 1986 and the subsequent EDSA uprising. Our town had a long tradition of anti-Marcos voting behavior. He never won there in the 1960s up to 1986, and BBM also lost there recently. I was among those excited and hopeful to see what was to happen after EDSA. But all these were fleeting; they quickly receded as a distant backdrop to my struggles as a high school and later college student, besides the challenges that beset our family.

The memories of my primary school years in the late 1970s and early 1980s were laced with fondness for nutribun, bulgur, powdered milk, and corn flour that from time to time we pupils received in public schools. Routines included occasional field demonstrations of folk or modern dances, daily flag-raising ceremonies and calisthenics, singing national anthem and other songs, and reciting slogans that later I was told were propaganda by the Marcos regime. I recall in particular the song with these lines “May bagong silang, May bagong buhay…”. Its distinctive marching rhythm stuck in me. When I heard it again months ago as briefly captured in the news of BBM’s motorcades, I was jolted by floods of warm memories of my primary school years. Yes, my memories of those years were warm and comforting overall. 

My father worked as a municipal agriculturist. I remember him busy visiting barrios, talking to farmers, giving seminars about new programs and techniques in farming and aqua-culture. Faint memories about Masagana 99, irrigations, land reform, the different varieties of 'miracle rice',  parades and agricultural fairs I still carry to this day. Clearer are my memories of rural banks and cooperatives of various types, as my parents and us kids took part as borrowers and depositors. I particularly had fond memories of buying cheaper goods and accumulating rebates from cooperative stores, particularly the credit cooperative and Kadiwa Center in our hometown. Up to now, I still remember how deeply sad I felt seeing their shelves increasingly un-replenished, until they closed altogether, never to be revived, as the post-Marcos era wore on.  

In 1987, I was surprised and overjoyed to have passed the UPCAT,  UP's entrance examination. Hearing the news, our parish priest warned my mother against studying at UP. I served as a sacristan, an altar boy, for ten years, growing up at the center of our town’s Catholic world. Our parish priest might have feared what seemed to be a hard-core Catholic like me would go wayward and become a communist or an aktibista. With all derogatory and scary connotations they carry among town folks, a mere mention of those words brought chills to the spine. It was a typical small-town mindset, which I understood well. But I was too excited by the thought of studying at UP-Diliman to be bothered by our priest's concerns. That said, I entered UP rather wary about the leftist ideologies whose negative impressions I carried over from my conservative, provincial background. I grew up, for instance, reading what turned out to be Cold War propaganda-laden books, newspapers and magazines like Reader’s Digests and the Asiaweek. I’ve realized the subtle but deeply propagandistic nature of these and other media only much later, sometime in 2000s, when I wrote a paper on the rhetoric of Ramon Magsaysay Awards as part of the repertoire of the Cold War propaganda (downloadable here). 

The four years I spent as an Education student at UP majoring in Social Studies proved exhilarating. It was there where my liberal self was born. The very interdisciplinary nature of this major allowed me to bask in the freedom to think freely, take the courses I truly liked across the vast social sciences and humanities, and read whatever I fancied. It was a veritable liberal education, transformative in process and empowering in aspiration. For a while I was a trainee at the culture section of the Philippine Collegian, UP’s official student organ and the mouthpiece of the radical-leftist ideologues at UP. In high school, I dreamed of becoming a journalist so when I was filling in the UPCAT form, I looked for the code for Journalism. Rather strangely the form that reached my school did not include Journalism on the list! So I put the code for Secondary Education as my first choice thinking that UP did not offer a major in Journalism. It hardly bothered me then, thinking that passing the UPCAT was like a punch on the moon for me anyway. But I did pass the UPCAT and when I went to UP for the first time, I was startled while riding Ikot jeep seeing Plaridel Building, the Institute for Mass Communication, where Journalism was one of the majors. The Catholic in me took it as a providential intervention, steering me to one direction rather than another. But anyway, awe-struck as I was by the Philippine Collegian and thinking I could still take a shot at my dream of being a journalist, I decided to heed one of their recruitment calls. I took the test and I was notified to my delight that I passed for a provisional training.

In due time, I realized how much time press work required, entailing not just extended night-time work but also skipping classes. I opted out when academic pressures forced me to choose which to prioritize. In hindsight, that moment was an ideological crossroads for me. Had I stayed and become a full-fledged staff of the Collegian, I would have been at the center of radical politics not just in UP but in the country. I would have been clearly aktibista in action, not just in thoughts. My departure from Collegian allowed me a more free-flowing political education, at my own pace and ways. I was thrilled by the shedding of my conservative outlook, imbibing the anti-colonial nationalist and radical standpoint that UP liberal and Marxist activists have propounded. Before I knew it, I became a self-appointed critic of colonial education and colonial historiography, as well as of the roles of the World Bank, IMF, and US imperialism in forcing third world countries to do “structural adjustment” and to “mortgage their future”. I remember being inspired by the works of Alejandro Licauco (Nationalist Economics) Paulo Freire (Pedagogy of the Oppressed), Michael Apple, Henry Giroux,  Teodoro Agoncillo, Renato and Leticia Constatino (“Miseducation of the Filipinos,” “World Bank Textbooks”, Past Revisited and Continuing Past), and Luisa Doronilla among many others. I did not become a communist, as our parish priest feared, but I was deeply fascinated by their beliefs; I admired their conviction and courage and I understood why they pushed for a revolutionary transformation. Participating only twice or thrice in campus mobilizations (against the US bases and for socialized tuition at UP), I was among those otherized pejoratively as armchair activist by the hegemonic, Diliman-centric culture of activism in the country.

The years I was at UP coincided with the post-EDSA years of turmoil and the unrelenting tirade against the previous regime and the US. The “Never Again!” and anti-US narratives were pervasive, and I absorbed them as every budding Filipino intellectual was expected. Being critical entailed being anti-US, anti-colonial, anti-Marcos and pro-Cory, among other things.  

Graduating from UP in 1991, I started teaching Asian History in high school in an elite Catholic high school in the posh Dasmarinas village in Makati. Not long after, I returned to UP to pursue a graduate degree in Asian Studies. The deepening of my interest in Asian philosophies, history and culture proved to be a turning point in my intellectual development, and my understanding of the political, and life in general. My intellectual pursuit, however, had to take a backseat to the harsh realities of daily life. For the remainder of the 1990s, I was consumed by the need to survive, establish a career, keep a gainful employment in Manila, and prepare for marriage and raise own family. It was frenetic. Looking back, I wonder how I managed to endure those years. I woke up early and came home late, braved traffic jams and pollution every day, not to mention floods during rainy season, shuttling between two teaching jobs in distant parts of Metro Manila. Simultaneously, I pursued graduate studies and did odd jobs in textbook writing and conference organizing. Political and economic developments like expulsion of the US bases, the disintegration of the left in the Philippines, the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union, the rise of Asian economic dragons and the Asian financial crisis were momentous, but they we mere transitory backdrop to my toils as one among millions of struggling ordinary Filipinos.

It was inside the classrooms that my liberal-radical intellectual stances flourished during this time. I taught part-time courses on Philippine History and Rizal in an elite Catholic university, in addition to Asian History in a privileged Catholic school and a highly selective, public science high school. My teaching style was imbued with the spirit of critical pedagogy expounded by the likes of Paulo Freire and Michael Apple, as interpreted and modelled by Maria Luisa Doronila. Despite teaching only 1-unit Education course (courses in UP normally carry 3 credit units) called Senior Seminar,  she managed to provide what to me, looking back, was a brilliant synthesis of educational processes and why critical approach to education must be employed. I consider her one of the most competent and admirable teachers I ever had, not just in UP Diliman, but in my entire life. Through their ideas and illustrative examples, I came to realize for the first time the truly radical potentials and transformative power of teaching. The world out there, its past and present, is not simply to be understood, but more importantly to change for the betterment of humanity, the marginalized groups in particular. Both incremental and fundamental changes were (still are) needed because the status quo was configured in favor of numerically small but powerful political, cultural and economic elites. True to the liberal aspirations to locate humans at the center of the schemes of things and to empower them to serve as engine of historical transformation, I took teaching as a foundational training for thinking right, enabling students to be the agent of change the liberal tradition envisioned them to be. Rational thinking, in short, is at the forefront as well as baseline of efforts to address practically every problem. Looking back this was among the earliest liberal fantasies that I imbibed. Why I now call it a “liberal fantasy” while before I took it as a calling or a mission, will become clear as my story further unfolds.

-To be continued-

Part II is here

May 17, 2022

A tale of two historical revisionisms: Why is a nuanced history of the Marcos years necessary?

 

by Rommel A. Curaming

Many people think we know what happened exactly during the Marcos years from 1966 to 1986. The long-dominant narrative tells us it was not just a dark age, but the darkest one in Philippine history. This narrative took shape under the euphoria of the 1986 EDSA ‘revolution’. It was propagated by various anti-Marcos and progressive groups. These groups suffered under the regime and many of them were well-placed in the media, academia, NGOs, religious communities and basic education. Through the years, it has become the standard and hegemonic account of the period. It became a doxa, treated as a self-evident truth. One can question it only at risk of being severely castigated.

The other, increasingly assertive and bourgeoning lately, is the narrative that paints Marcos years as a/the 'golden age'. Upheld initially by hard core Marcos loyalists, this version long existed, confined at the margins in the post-EDSA era. In recent years, it gained traction beyond the circles of Marcos loyalists enabled by the astute use of the social and other media by the BBM camp. We may also consider the positive memories of the Marcos years among segments of the population who lived through it, passing stories on to their children and grandchildren. Circulating against the backdrop of the failure of liberals-led post-EDSA regimes to meet people’s expectations, these memories fuel nostalgia for the Marcos era. As a counter-narrative to the long-established view, it is often branded as fake news or historical revisionism.

The transcendental truth contains a mix of these polar claims. Each of them has grains of truth, to what extent only God knows, but they overemphasized certain aspects and ignored others. The ‘dark age’ version projects onto the national screen the viewpoint mainly of victims of the Marcos regime. Borrowing the idea from Talitha Espiritu (2017), they allegorize what happened to them as a national tragedy, excluding the contrasting experience and views of people who appreciated what the Marcos regime did and what he stood for. That almost half of the voters voted for Marcos in 1986 snap elections suggests this segment is sizeable. This point is important to help us understand why a Marcos kept on being voted to office not just in Ilocos but nationally as well despite their family being unceremoniously removed from power in 1986. The ‘golden age’ view, on the other hand, overstates the achievements of the Marcos government while ignoring or downplaying the human rights violation, economic crisis, extravagance, corruption, cronyism and violence it committed. Both views are selective and they lack nuances expected of a good history.

Plenty of books were written about the period, but a balanced and comprehensive historical accounts have yet to be written. The rabid and tenacious anti-Marcos sentiment in the post-1986 years prevented this possibility. Impartiality could be costly for any scholar who dare to do it. Talitha Espiritu’s book Passionate Revolution, which I reviewed here, is a rare gem. It exemplifies the nuanced approach that we badly need. For some years, I have encouraged young Filipino historians to do oral history projects to examine what ordinary people in various places in the country actually remember about the Marcos years, and why. These generations are dying out and it is good to record their memories of the time. But no takers. Some said it is already obvious, so what is the point? Others think there are other more interesting and important topics to pursue. My hunch is that if well-designed oral history projects are done in various places, we shall see a more complex and nuanced picture of the era. Testimonies of activists, left-leaning leaders and other victims of the Marcos regime dominate accounts of the period. There are also memoirs and other accounts by pro-Marcos supporters. Both are no doubt valuable as records, but taken together, they offer partial accounts of the period, either skewed to one side or another. They are also viewed from the elite perspectives of the two camps. What must be included are accounts of daily life among ordinary people in different parts of the country. Ideally, such oral history projects should have been conducted years or decades earlier. In the wake of the stunning victory of BBM, the prevailing sentiment is likely to influence respondents’ memories of the Marcos years. Nevertheless, it still needs to be done and impartial professional historians must do it to ensure methodological rigor. They also have to do it soon before the surge of blatantly pro-Marcos efforts engulf the whole historical landscape.

Kakampinks and the mainstream media, both domestic and international, appear so sure about the sin of historical revisionism that the BBM camp is guilty of. Strictly speaking, revising history is an inherent part of writing history. We write history on the basis of available evidences. Once we find additional evidences or create a new interpretation of existing ones, it is natural to revise history. The so-called sin of historical revisionism ensues when a new version or interpretation goes against, even totally revises, the hegemonic understanding of history, such as when questions were raised about the Holocaust. Some of those who did it ended up being called historical revisionists or 'Holocaust deniers'  and got jailed or fined.  When the widely and long-entrenched 'dark age' interpretation of Marcos years began to be challenged by the emergent 'golden era' narrative, the proponents and supporters of the 'dark age' view were indignant, charging them of revising the past. This allegation is based on the assumption that an authoritative or truthful history has already been written and no one may challenge or change it. This illiberal assumption is untenable, as a nuanced and balanced history of the period has arguably yet to be written. And even if we grant it has already been written, it is still subject to possible revisions. Nothing is cast in stone in history writing, provided there are new evidence or valid reasons for new interpretation.

More interestingly, they also missed that their camp was (and still is) guilty of historical revisionism themselves, and they were and remain oblivious of it. They did it earlier, since 1986 when they promoted the Never Again and EDSA narratives[1]. This was a revisionist history, erasing the dynamics and complexity of the period by reducing it into several purely negative characteristics. Specifically, from the standpoint of almost 50% who voted for Marcos in 1986 snap election, the Never Again narrative revised their favorable memories and assessment of what happened then. That hardly anyone recognizes it as historical revisionism is a testament to the power of the victors not just to write history but to erase this power in the equation, making it seem that history is objective, that it spontaneously writes itself. Howls of protest may be raised about tons of evidence that attest to the cruelty of the Marcos regime, but evidence also exist to support the more favorable views. The point is, these opposing pieces of evidence need not cancel each other to determine "the truth" about the period. The contrasting pictures they offered form parts of a comprehensive, textured, and more realistic representation of the past. 

Imputing moral equivalence is not the purpose of drawing parallelism between the two revisionisms. I leave judgement to the readers. My purpose is analytic parity and to find viable ways how to move forward. It is necessary for us to understand the unrecognized political nature of ANY historical claims, regardless of accuracy or lack thereof. Both liberals and conservatives tend to deny the political underpinning of their preferred history. For them it is an objective history. The political character of history can only be concealed and denied, but it cannot be expunged. It is inherent in historical knowledge, among other branches of knowledge. The liberal view of the supposedly oppositional relationship between good scholarship and politics is a myth; it fantasizes the good or accurate scholarship neutralizing the political. It is a fantasy  because regardless of quality, a scholarship can be, and has actually been, used to serve any compatible political interests, good or bad, right or left or center. Knowledge assumes a life of its own as it circulates in social spaces. Hitler and the Nazi, for example, used the most advanced science and scholarship of the time to serve his interests, even if the scholars did not envision their work for such purposes. US, Chinese and Russian governments also do that.  The liberal view easily forgets that given the inevitable social context of knowledge production and consumption, whatever conclusion reached, accurate or not, will always favor one side or another. It cannot be neutral. More fundamentally, the very act of writing history—using historical methodology—is enabled by the collective power of the community of scholars. Impartial scholarship is the well-spring of power of scholars. It is their politics, to put it candidly. It is a kind of power whose potency and legitimacy rests on not being recognized as such. For anyone curious to know more about this line of analysis, you can read my book Power and Knowedge in Southeast Asia: Scholars and State in Indonesia and the Philippines where I analyse comparatively Marcos’s Tadhana project with Suharto’s similar project.

On part of the public, they also cannot consume history outside of the existing power relations; historical interpretation cannot exist in a socio-political vacuum. Either one agrees with the ideological left, right, or center, or with the supposedly impartial scholars. Regardless, one favors one political stance over another. This should not put us in despair. It simply is its nature. We will be in better position to do something if we know this sooner rather than later.  

If ultimately all history, regardless of quality or accuracy, is political, what is the point of aspiring for a multi-faceted and nuanced history of the Marcos period? This kind of history will allow ample space for the competing narratives. Rather than bickering endlessly on which version is 'the truth' and which one is 'fake,' we can profit more by decoding the political interests and human needs that drive competing historical claims. With multiplicity as our starting point, there is a greater chance we learn to tolerate our political and other differences and we can move forward with less historical baggage. With the sharp polarization ensuing from the 2022 elections, it is imperative various sides have to learn to co-exist civilly, if not truly peacefully.


References Cited:

Curaming, Rommel. Power and Knowledge in Southeast Asia: Scholars and State in Indonesia and the Philippines. London and New York: Routledge, 2020.

Curaming, Rommel and  Lisandro Claudio. “(Re)Assessing EDSA ‘People Power’ as a Critical Conjuncture.” In Conjunctures and Continuities in Southeast Asia, edited by Narayanan Ganesan, Singapore: ISEAS, pp. 25-52.            

EspirituTalitha. Passionate Revolutions : The Media and the Rise and Fall of the Marcos Regime. Athens: Ohio University Press, 2017.

[1] Leloy Claudio and I wrote an article that re-assesses the 1986 EDSA People Power, https://www.academia.edu/2147171/_Re_Assessing_EDSA_People_Power_as_a_Critical_Conjuncture

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